In a 2009 Hollywood Movie 'Kill Theory',a psychopath creates a situation for few close friends that they end up killing each other to prove the theory of survival of the fittest. The same drama was being played long before this film was produced in a place thousands of miles away from Hollywood. That Place was Bihar.
Last week, there was a report by Cobrapost related to Ranvir Sena which gave insight into how politicians supported it. The timing of this expose is suspicious as this was planted to break the social harmony by scratching the old wounds and help anti BJP alliance. But it also reminded of the future, if Lalu Yadav wins this time, a major class war is waiting to happen in Bihar.
And this time, Laloo shall be even more brutal to break the opposition against him. These attacks will not even be reported in our media as this is what many psychopaths sitting on that high table want. Class war amongst Hindus makes secularati feel better as they believe divided Hindus are good for India as it helps avoid Hindu majoritarian state of their imagination. Christian missionaries use this to grab opportunity of conversion. Church-Maoist links are well documented.
A state in India which was always out of favour of the kings sitting on the throne of Delhi because of its defiant nature and it had to pay for it by remaining backward thanks to criminal negligence of Leaders of India. A state with an agrarian economy where half of the Bihar is affected by Flood and half of the Bihar is affected by drought.Any agrarian society creates two classes of people. Either you are a landowner or a farm laborer. A farmer never gets good price for his crop as major share is earned by hoarders and middlemen. But as far as landlords are concerned, they have to face the grudge of laborers because of their paltry wages. No government support or other job opportunities ensures that farmers never use modern and economical farming techniques to keep their cost of production low. This system workssincecenturies with allegations of exploitation which were always blamed on landlords even when British would charge heavy taxes on landlords to fill their coffers.
In Early eighties, Maoist movement began to spring up in pockets around India. They are a very strong force in few states which requires a whole army of Paramilitary forces to fight them with modern weapons, helicopters etc and still they are prospering by killing policemen, collecting levy from every person with a little money in pocket and holding kangaroo courts for punishing police informants.
Somewhere in the world, A gang of psychopaths sitting in their comfortable sofa decided to push maoist agenda in India. Indian intelligentsia drunk on marxist literature chose to be their foot soldiers. Poor adivasis and Dalits were recruited to fight the gun battles.
Now we return to Bihar, how it affected the whole populace of this state, the ruler of Bihar forgot his Raj Dharma and decided to use maoist movement for his own political agenda. More the Maoists would harass the landlords, more he would raise the pitch of social justice. Turning two classes of the society against each other was helping Laloo Yadav rule Bihar with impunity. The landlords were being killed or their crops stolen by force or they would find a red flag in their farmland one day and that would mean that their land was gone. An average apartment in Mumbai may cost enough for 10 landlords to sell all of their land and even after that, they won't be able to buy that urban property. Land prices are worth nothing and average holding of a so called landlord is not more than an area of a football field which is always at risk of getting drowned under the flood water.
As maoist harassment got serious day by day, many farmers who were at the receiving end, they had no place to go for justice. Police won't file an FIR, Political leadership would do open sloganeering of killing the upper caste farmers and opposition was running for its own life. People would do night duty at house roof with country made guns to protect their villages from maoist attacks andrandom deaths continued. Figuring out the caste in a public place was a serious risk and you could die because of it. This gave birth to a very interesting social change. A whole generation of Biharis can be found with their official names with no surname which can hint to their caste. Kumar is the most common surname.
It would often happen that there would be murder of someone in the night and next day hundreds of policemen would come to the village looking for the culprits. They won't find the men so the wooden butts of their guns would be used to hit the women in places no one can describe. One old woman was thrashed so brutally that she died but before dying she sent her broken bangles to her son. The resentment boiled up to the extent, people who were at receiving end of maoists decided to die fighting in place of being lined up and shot by a firing squad. Youth was anyway jobless so people started gathering guns and self defense became the key word.
But as it was shown in the movie Kill Theory, the real culprit were not on the front of the battle, they were sitting in their cosy homes in Delhi or somewhere else sipping coffee which a common villager of Bihar would have never tasted.. Maoist foot soldiers would attack at night, mingle in the crowd by day and no police investigation would happen. As it has always happened, when state fails to deliver justice to the people, they take law in their own hands and these hands are not trained to reach the culprit, they kill randomly.
In this process, several private militias were formed in which Ranveer Sena got the maximum press coverage. Aftermass murder of landowners, retaliation happened and it was so brutal even the supporters of retaliation squirmed with pain. There was no proof of association of those Dalits killed in the retaliatory attack and even when FIRs were filed, random names were given in absence of any evidence. The reason these prosecutions failed to punish anybody from both sides. Lalu Yadav had no intention to stop these attacks as it suited his politics very well. He was in touch with both sides and making fight each other so that many upper caste landowners would abandon their land for peanuts and migrate to Delhi, Kolkata, Assam and where not. Lalu's henchmen would grab that land. Under the garb of Maoism, Lalu was making his foothold stronger. He knew peace in the society would force him to deliver prosperity and jobs which would go against his politics.
Lalu Yadav was not the only psychopath who was running this puppet show in which one puppet was killing another puppet. But he was sharing the table and he forced the people who were living peacefully for centuries to become enemies.Many of us find fault of Ranvir Sena for the massacres, Many of us support Ranvir Sena and justify its brutal acts because of the simple reason that they did not start this class war. Many of us would also blame those People who joined maoist forces and decided to kill people at night at orders of maoist leadership. The interview of Brahmeshwar Mukhiya gives an interesting insight of that period. Now the question is- Are they the real culprit?
Or they were similar to the characters of Kill Theory who were best friends and one day they had to kill each other for the sake of their own survival. Should we punish the psychopath Puppeteer or those people who were recruited to fight for maoist ideas and their role was nothing more than cannon fodder or those Militias who would get access to people's sympathy and young blood to commit those barbarous crimes. And this time, It is in the hand of Biharis if they want to be the puppets killing each other or they want to be responsible citizens contributing to our Nation's development.
It
was in early eighties when a RSS Pracharak began to visit JNU campus on
regular basis. He befriended a student who was quite influenced by the
communist ideology. Dominance of communist ideology in JNU campus
deservedly earned it the sobriquet – Kremlin on the bank of river
Yamuna.
The
RSS Pracharak and his friend began to spend evenings discussing and
defending their ideological beliefs. Those were
the times when JNU used to be a place where presence of a RSS
flag-bearer was equivalent to being a Jew in Nazi Germany. The RSS man
continued his evening chats with his communist friend, a rare JNU
student who didn't mix ideology and human relationship.
One
day the student invited the RSS pracharak for dinner in his hostel. To
the shock of RSS man and his friend, everybody eating there chose to
leave the table. This was a scene directly from a feudal village and totally unexpected in an University which is in the heart of India’s
capital and claims to be socially progressive. The friend of RSS man
was so disgusted with this hypocrisy that he took a vow to fight against
the communists. He became one of the first vocal voices of ABVP in JNU.
Many high
profile RSS leaders started to visit the
university and most of their meetings would be held in small 8X12 hostel rooms. ABVP created an alternative space. Very basic steps, like differentiating themselves
from the ‘attire’ of JNU students, were attempted. Given that sporting a
dirty Kurta, along with torn jeans and slippers, became the trademark
of any JNU student, ABVP cadres ensured that they would always tuck
their shirts, turn up in a sartorially pleasing manner, and would never
smoke or drink in public.
JNU
had many students who yearned to celebrate national festivals
but they hesitated as no organization was there to make the first move.
Left wingers mourned India’s Independence Day as a black day. In spite
of JNU having a huge Bengali population, Durga Puja celebration was
treated as communal. Bengali students would go to Chitaranjan Park to
celebrate the festival but they would wipe the tilak before entering the
campus. ABVP ensured that all these festivals were celebrated.
Durga Puja Samiti was formed which was in itself a very long battle as
Puja started in a room at Periyar hostel. Now the times have changed
as even AISA-SFI leaders can be seen taking prasad at Pooja Pandal where
hundreds of students gather for evening aarti.
As
Parishad evolved in the campus, Left used same modus operandi,
tried and tested in Bengal and Kerala, to suppress it. The techniques
included political violence, social boycott, threats to ruin the career,
public humiliation, character assassination, wrath of prejudiced
professors and vicious rumor mongering about Parishad leaders mainly
among girl students.
Keeping
this in mind, ABVP started to nurture many women student leaders, but
it faced massive resistance from the leftist forces. They would do weird things like calling the parents of
the girl student, putting peer pressure in the girl’s hostel and if she would not give up, every form of intimidation was used. All this
was done to stop the growth of ABVP in the University campus
After
arrival of ABVP in the campus, the nationalist movement took proper
shape and every communist act were spiritedly challenged.Leftist forces
used to revel in inviting Kashmiri extremists, extending open support to
Naxal armed struggle, opposing economic policies which would help
India in long run, supporting Chinese government, and providing a
platform for Pakistani elite to ridicule India. One such incident had
happened when a Pakistani poet was bad mouthing about India and an Army
personnel was present there. He opposed what he perceived to be a
treacherous act and instead of letting him have his say, the Army man
was badly beaten by the leftist goons.
Parishad
activists were often manhandled by communist thugs to demoralize them.
Being weak in numbers, ABVP had to lick its wounds and remain silent.
Best example of such communist thuggery can be seen in Kerala
where ABVP leaders are killed without any fear of law. By
mid-nineties, ABVP emerged stronger and cadre base grew. A big chunk of
students from Sainik school tilaiya cleared JNU entrance exams. This is the time
when ABVP could stop the violence of left groups by showing numerical
strength and this is how ABVP activists stopped being apologetic about
their ideology. Continuous intimidation by left wing started to get
strong retaliation and left wing recognized hesitantly that ABVP was
going to stay in the Campus.
ABVP began to win few school level councilor seats and the tally kept
growing. By early nineties, ABVP was already winning union seats except JNUSU
president post. Piyush Mishra could not win the President seat only by two votes. Oriya community produced many Parishad leaders and Oriya
students would vote across ideological lines for any Oriya candidate.
Many students from Orissa were elected on different union posts
on ABVP ticket. Bihar and UP students were strongly challenging Left by
giving a huge cadre support to Parishad. RSS had already started to run
two Shakhas in JNU campus and several students were participating in
these Shakhas.
Prominent
RSS officials visited JNU every year on Guru Dakshina Karyakram and no
event or activity, which provided platform to subversive elements, went
unchallenged.
SFI
used to be strong with its Bengali support. AISF served as a lobby group for Muslim
community in JNU campus. AISA espoused far left ideology as it was the
student wing of CPI (ML). It gained popularity after its Leader Chandra
Shekhar, was killed by RJD MP Syed Shahabuddin. AISA got a martyr in Chandu.
There
were few other student organizations like DSU and PSU which used to
talk openly of armed struggle against Indian state. JNU has provided a
veritable supply chain of Maoist and communist leaders. The most
prominent JNU alumni include Prakash Karat, Sitaram Yechury and Baburam
Bhattarai. Bhattarai was one of the top two maoist leaders who overthrew the nepalese Kingdom.
As
the ABVP got stronger, and left parties started to lose seats, they
were forced to unite and coalitions were formed. SFI and AISF chose to
contest together on seat sharing basis in 1996 when ABVP won 3 central panel seats for the first time and ABVP presidential candidate Pushkar Mishra lost by only four votes. in 2000, Sandeep Mahapatra won the JNUSU president seat on ABVP ticket. By this victory of one vote, the discourse of JNU
changed forever. Campus, which used to debate on several interpretations
of left ideology, was now divided into distinct ideological
compartments – the left and the right.
2002
was also a landmark year in JNU history as ABVP invited Shri Ashok
Singhal of Vishwa Hindu Parishad for the Guru Dakshina Karyakram and
more than 600 cadres participated in the event. Whole leftist student
community joined together to protest his visit. ABVP had by now
decisively forced the left to squeeze itself into a limited space.
JNU
has a history of not allowing Indian politicians in the campus. The
list of such leaders is long. Indira Gandhi was not allowed to enter JNU
campus, Lal Krishna Advani was stopped at JNU gate. But it has also
tradition of inviting Naxal leaders in post dinner mess meetings. When
Parishad began to protest the lectures of those, who are identified with
subversive forces working against the unity of India, Left wing cried
foul and the prime logic was ‘freedom of expression’. Arundhati Roy was
shouted down when she told that Indian Army is army of rapists. The same
left which had not allowed even Indira Gandhi who was PM of India, to
use her freedom of expression was advocating for it. Such is the
communist hypocrisy. AISA JNUSU president refused to give a bouquet to
APJ Abdul Kalam when he visited JNU.
ManMohan
Singh, who is professor emeritus in JNU economics department, was shown
black flag as he supposedly represented the state, against which these
communists want to have an armed struggle. Left’s shocking hypocrisy was
on display when Sitaram Yechury denied that Chinese students were
brutally suppressed in Tiananmen Square and called it a capitalist
propaganda. ABVP ensured that many top nationalist leaders including Arun
Jaitley, Rajnath Singh, Ravi Shankar Prasad, Govindacharya and others were invited to JNU for
public talks and these programs always attracted huge gathering.
SFI and AISF were already contesting together but due to dissension
within ABVP in 2003, it stood divided. A rebel group announced the formation of a
breakaway unit and ABVP State unit could not handle the situation well.
Several reasons explained this divide. Sangathan Mantri, who was an
appointee of RSS, was not as ideologically sound as the students of
JNU. ABVP had most of its cadre base from foreign language school as
they were young and energetic but most of the leaders came from history
and International studies departments.
JNU
history department professors rule the roost in NCERT history books but few students were
challenging these professors in their own bastion. ‘Yuva Itihaskar
Manch’ was challenging left interpretation of Indian History regularly
in History department seminars, debates and discussions. This group of
‘Yuva Itihaskar Manch’ needed to be dealt well. It could be used to nurture the talent which would have formed an intellectual
nucleus of those seeking to correct the distorted history in future but
higher authorities of ABVP Delhi state erred at this moment. A small
group joined NSUI in frustration, ABVP performed badly in 2003 but
consolation was that ABVP was still having a strong cadre base.
Activists with no political ambition were humiliated due to the defeat
in 2003 and they chose to fight back in 2004 elections.
JNU
has a very unique tradition of organizing Admission assistance camps.
It is unique as assistance doesn't stop at admission process which is
very hectic and includes a lot of running around several centers, JNU
students accommodate the freshers in their small rooms till they don’t get their hostel rooms allotted. This helps the students as most of
them are from economically weak background but at the same time, it
helps the student organizations to impact the thinking of the new
students and this is how new activists are cultivated.
JNU
campus is a cultural shock for many newcomers as they have never
experienced an open environment where post dinner processions happen with full throated
sloganeering, everyday debates are staged on world affairs over a cup of
tea, beautifully handcrafted student union posters are used for
electioneering, teachers ask their students to address them by names,
presidential speeches and debates are conducted as part of election
campaign, no concept of ragging
exists and many theater groups are open for students to join them, Air
conditioned libraries and classrooms, are seen by many students coming
from village background for the first time. All these things induce a
sense of grandeur in the mind of newcomers.
ABVP actively worked for admission assistance and many
new students participated in organisational activities. 2004 elections
again proved that ABVP had a strong presence in JNU campus. There were
incidents that were responsible for the upsurge as few weeks before the
JNUSU elections, S.A.R Geelani was invited for an evening talk. He was
accused in parliament attack case but acquitted on technical ground.He
is still very actively involved in Kashmiri secessionist movement .
ABVP decided
to oppose the event and all other left parties including NSUI which is
student wing of Congress, stood against ABVP again with the logic of
‘Freedom of expression’. We always see how the human rights is always
valid for terrorists,dreaded criminals and anti-nationals but not for
their victims. Young students in age group of 18-20 years literally
chased away the car of Nandita Haskar. Geelani hid himself inside the
car, which he later denied. Campus was once again sharply polarised into left vs right. Many newcomers, who were being indoctrinated by left, could not reconcile to such open invitation to Kashmiri
separatist leaders and chose to be part of ABVP.
2004
elections was also notable as it was for the first time a bus load of
police personnel had to come inside the campus during elections. The
whole issue started with a small incident when a senior ABVP leader, who
is now working as a professor in Auckland University, raised the
issue of voting hours being over and hence nobody should be allowed to
enter the school building. Around twenty ABVP activists tried to block
the gate. JNUSU election committee closed the gate and voting continued
for those who were already inside the building.
A
strong rumour went out that Parishad activists were beating SFI leaders
and a crowd of 200 SFI cadres and leaders came to School of language gate,
broke it and entered with tube lights, chains and sticks in their hands to
teach a lesson to Parishad. ABVP had few girls contesting for councillor
posts and they had to be locked up in a classroom to protect from this violent
attack. ABVP was outnumbered many
parishad activists had to be hospitalised. This infuriated the ABVP base
in JNU and later on,SFI leaders went into hiding for weeks fearing retaliation.
ABVP won most of the councillor
seats and one joint secretary seat. Parishad lost presidential seat but
got more than double votes on each seat than the last year and could be defeated
only by tactical voting of left wing. ABVP victory procession was much
bigger than the SFI procession as nobody from SFI dared to turn up in public.
ABVP activists wanted a Parishad JNU Unit
president and team chosen by popular will of cadres but as the RSS
tradition goes, the decision had to come from the above. The higher
authorities failed again to read the minds of activists and ABVP got
divided. 18 Persons who were at the root of the extraordinary performance of 2004 were suspended and another organization called JNU
patriotic front was formed by them as these activists could not
compromise with their ideology. This resulted in two organisations with
similar nationalist ideology inside JNU. JPF proved to be a very strong
cadre based organisation which was more aggressive due to its younger
crowd. ABVP remained with senior Phd students but they could not shout
louder, nor they could resist the communist gang without the raw energy of school of languages.
2005
elections were fought by both ABVP and JPF separately. Relations
between ABVP and JPF turned so bitter that when ABVP leaders, tried to
protest against Brinda Karat for her remarks on Baba Ramdev to maintain the
relevance of Parishad, they were chased away by SFI and few of them were
beaten. No JPF cadre supported Parishad but on the same night, one JPF
cadre was slapped by SFI cadres and JPF ensured that the SFI
president was found that night and slapped by that JPF cadre – to give a message
that manhandling of their cadre will be strongly retaliated. JNUSU Presidential candidate of SFI wrongly blamed a cadre of JPF of
sexual harassment to avenge the retaliation. This tactics was often used by left to pin
down ABVP supporters.
The
student who had completed his course was declared out of bounds of JNU
campus and thus 6 JPF boys sat on indefinite hunger strike to revoke the
order. The strike continued for 6 days. Their health was
deteriorating. JNU administration negotiated with striking students and
issue was resolved, but the concerned student was still out of bounds.
JPF
decided to avenge this false accusation and at the time of 2005
elections, many supporters of JPF voted for AISA presidential candidate
Mona Das tactically so that SFI candidate could not win. SFI candidate Sona Mitra, who had used sexual harassment
as a political tool, was defeated and lesson was taught to her and SFI.
As it happens with organisations that have no organized system, JPF
faded away.
Lyngdoh commission forced JNU to introduce
certain rules for JNUSU elections. Those rules like age limit were not suitable for JNU
as most of the student leaders were Ph.D. scholars. This led to JNUSU
elections being stopped for few years.This depoliticized JNU and most of
the ABVP leaders passed out and new team could not be developed.
SFI
was divided as their central leadership supported UPA but Prasenjit
Bose took position against it and as a result, he was suspended. His
team formed another group which contested till this year and this is how
AISA, which used to struggle, came back in reckoning and it is
winning JNUSU elections continuously. Iftar Parties are organised in
every hostel and every student is charged the extra mess bill but AISA
opposes celebration of Janmashtami Pooja in hostel mess after dinner
time! just because it would hurt ‘sentiments’. The combination of
Bolshevik and Shariat can be seen in the double standards followed by
these communists. The illegitimate child of this combo is the ideology
which is followed by Likes of Javed Akhtar or Mani Shankar Aiyar
NSUI
is hardly relevant in the context of JNU. It has been unable to
convince JNU students despite huge money power. One notable leader of NSUI who climbed the political ladder is Ashok Tanwar who came in good books of Amit Jogi
when he was studying in JNU and now he is MP from Haryana and strong
contender for Congress State president post. But NSUI could never gather
more than 200-300 votes.
The
winning methodology of left parties has changed drastically as JNU has 3
departments (Arabic, Persian and Urdu). They attract students from
Madarsa background only. This vote bank is used for tactical
voting. Apart from voting tactically, these centers have failed
completely in creating job options – many of the ex-students from these
centres are running Dhaba, grocery stores, typing thesis of PhD students, and don't be surprised if some day some autowallah tells
you that he was a JNU student as many Urdu Centre alumnus are forced to
run auto-rickshaw in Delhi due to lack of job opportunities.
Hindi
Centre has been hijacked by communist professors like Manager Pandey,
Namwar Singh and Purushottam Aggarwal. The stranglehold is such that
they have completely suppressed the nationalist literature of poets like
Ramdhari Singh Dinkar but these professors have been blamed several
times of being casteist in their approach. JNU is witness to left
hypocrisy where seminars on poverty are held and speakers talk about hunger
after eating a mouth watering plate of Gajar Halwa. Left ideology has
diluted and Durga Puja is celebrated with lot of joy which was a huge
issue earlier.
Murli
Manohar Joshi, who was HRD Minister in NDA regime, started Centre for
Sanskrit studies and this Centre was strongly opposed by all communist
student groups and this step was projected as promotion of black magic
and superstition. At the time of Deepawali, all hostels are decorated by
students as tradition was started by ABVP activists. In past, Diwali
night seemed like a mourning night with darkness all around. Students
who wear clean clothes are not treated as outsiders any more. Language
students earn money through freelancing and this has brought prosperity
in campus, many new motorcycles are being bought and cars are not a big
deal any more.
One
thing that is most important to mobilize activists for any organisation
is slogan shouting, catchy slogans that incite the students. Some
popular ones, I would like to mention.
1. Chor chor mausere Bhai, AISF-SFI.
2. Abki hogi Kiski Pitaayi- AISF-SFI.
3.Ho-ho-ho chi Minh Bharat chhodo jao cheen.
4. Chao-Mao jo kehte ho to Bharat me kyun rehte ho.
5. The Communists frustrated shall always be defeated. (sing it)
6. The parishad united shall always be victorious.
7. Na maowad na jaatiwad, sabsey upar Rashtravad.
8. Gyaan sheel ekta, Parishad ki visheshta.
9. Vampanth ki kabr khudegi, JNU ki dharti par.
10. Kashmir ho ya Guwahati, Apna Desh apni maati.
11. China ke dalalon ko ek dhakka Aur do.
12. Prakash karat ko bhejo mail, SFI ki ho gayi tel. 13. Jahan hue balidan Mukherjee, wo kashmir hamara hai.
do watch this video to feel the pride. :)
The
slogan that was used to convey the message to left that Parishad was
not going to be intimidated anymore was ‘ haarenge to hurenge, Aur
jeetenge to thurenge’ which loosely means that we will beat the
communists in both cases either we lose or we gain.There are many more
slogans which continue to attract students towards Parishad.
Notable
ABVP leaders from JNU are now working at several important
positions.Nirmala Sitharaman is national spokesperson of BJP( not sure
if she was active for ABVP though), Dr. Manish Kumar who is editor in
Chauthi duniya, Ashok Sharma is professor in Auckland university Newzealand, Shiv
Shakti Nath Bakshi is editor of Kamal Sandesh (BJP magazine), Swadesh
Singh is National Vice president of BJYM, D.D Gautam is media in charge of BJP
SC Morcha, Sunil Mohanty is pracharak of RSS in Arunachal Pradesh,
Siddharth Rai is working as senior journalist in Mail today.
Editor and sub-editor of RSS publication panchajanya are from JNU, many
of JNU parishad team are working as professors in several renowned
universities in India and abroad, many of them are journalists and well
placed in several news organisations, Sandeep Mahapatra, the only ABVP
JNUSU president till date, is working as supreme court lawyer and frequently joins debates on news channels, Pushkar Mishra worked as secretary to national president BJP and actively working in nationalist politics, Amitabh Thakur who was ABVP president in 1996 was in charge of election of 5 states in 2003, Jatin Mohanty is state secretary for Odisha BJP, Irfan
khan is heading development projects for a notable NGO. Vidhan Pathak, Amit Singh, Vivekanand Upadhyay and many others are professors in universities around India. Dhananjay Singh is Assistant professor in JNU itself. Science schools which use to be passionate supporters of ABVP produce eminent scientists and researchers who are working around the world. Many ABVP supporters are
working in Indian Administrative, police and foreign services. Many ABVP
activists are successful in their career and supporting nationalist
ideology at several platforms. Bangalore IT sector has a big community
from JNU foreign language school which was the most active school for JNU ABVP. This list doesn't include every
notable name but it gives an example as how ABVP presence in JNU is
important and needs to be maintained as this university produces
intellectuals which the Right wing needs badly and Leftist discourse must be challenged at the source of it.
Note: It should be treated as a tale from eyes of an observer. Many stories could not be mentioned as it would require a book to do so. follow me on twitter by clicking here
Chetan Bhagat wrote his first piece of crap called five point someone which is based on three IIT students.
It is quite interesting and demands a sociological study that these days IITs may not be producing best minds but brotherhood among IITians is as strong as Binani cement. Any initiative by an alumni gets huge support from the students of IITs and from those who aspire to join it. This is how Chetan Bhagat became a known writer as every aspirant wanted to get a feel of IIT life before becoming part of it. And mind you, many such students waste their parents' hard earned money in coaching institutes situated in desert towns for their IIT dream.
IITs do need to contemplate what has gone wrong that Kejriwal and Bhagat are becoming the face of its alumnus. Kejriwal used the IIT support base as a launch pad till Kejriwal had not started to receive midnight hawala funds. In Bhagat's case, they bought and popularized his first attempt at being an English language writer. He may claim of high sales figure, but in India, Sunny leone is the most searched person on google.
I have observed so many times in Indian rail journeys when boys who are traveling alone to go back to their home in UP and Bihar, they pull a chetan Bhagat book out of their bag which they buy from wheeler book shops at railway platforms to impress the girls sitting in the compartment. Bhagat is praiseworthy for offering an English option for readers of 'Saras Saleel'.
In his first Novel, Chetan wrote a note of thanks to his best friend. None other than 'Microsoft word with its grammar check option'. He was honest enough to accept that without Grammar check option, he won't be confident enough to publish his first pulp fiction.
To write a Chetan bhagat-esque book, You do not need great ideas, you need some spice, some salt and some oil and voila, Your bhagat baingan bharta shall be ready to eat- sorry read. In his recent article, he has used all the expletives to make caricature of a 'bhakt' which implies Modi supporters on social media. Now i am really confused. Till date, his opponents would ridicule Modi for his NRI support base on social media which does not vote and does not represent the mood of the nation.
The NRIs are not pulling rickshaws in United states of America or other countries of the world. Many American surveys regularly inform us that Hindu immigrants are the richest ethnic group over there and many of them may be earning more money that Chetan Bhagat by the virtue of their intellect and communications skills. Now Bhagat is saying that 'bhakts' are half educated like his protagonist of 'half girlfriend' or mediocre like his another protagonist of his call centre book. Modi supporters seem like that elephant which many blind people are defining in their own way.
Is is possible that Chetan is figuring out his own reader base. How extraordinary to pay back your devoted readers who made you rich by buying your 200 pages book for few pages of erotica. There could be one strong reason behind this. Chetan wants to shrug off such base and move to more suave readers. Those whom he meets regularly in literature fests and book fairs. Has he completed his grammar classes and does not need 'grammar correct' option of Microsoft word anymore. he is rich, now he wants to earn 'class'. He does not want to be intimidated by Salman Rushdie any more. Hey Chetan stop googling 'how to get booker prize', you won't get it ever.
But Chetan, one suggestion for you. A good writer is famous not because he is good at English grammar. He has got his poetic license to create new words and play with them. even his grammatical mistakes become part of the narrative. He becomes famous because of his imaginations which make the readers to become part of the story. You can only titillate your readers by giving description of how your protagonists screwed his professor's daughter or his friend's sister. Try writing one book without your patent formula of bed scene. It reminds me of those C grade movies of Mithun Chakraborty which would attract crowd for having few bathroom and few bed scenes. That crowd and your reader base may have a lot of common faces i am sure.
So, please continue with your pulp fiction and don't abuse your own reader base. I have another doubt. Are you defining yourself as many of those expletives suit you perfectly. Sexually frustrated to imagine such cheap stories or bad English grammar for which Microsoft word helped you so much or for being Modi supporter to be part of the gravy train. many of your class is attacking Modi for one particular reason. He refused any favors. Are you one of them who could not bag a Padmashree? or is it because Bhagat and Bhakt are similar words that you had to write another idiotic article to remain in news.
Note: i am sure you or your fans will try hard to judge my English but hey it is my fourth language after Bajjika, Hindi and French. And I am not frustrated because of my English Mr. Bhagat.
किसी महान और साधारण व्यक्ति में एक अंतर होता है, वह अंतर ये है कि साधारण मनुष्य की बात क्षणिक होती है, वहीं महान मनुष्य की कही हुई बात अमर हो जाती है. ऐसे हीं महान मनुष्य की श्रेणी में रहिमन ऊँचे पायदान पर बैठे हैं. उन्होनें नें एक दोहा लिखा है.
"रहिमन इस संसार में भांती भांती के लोग"
एक बार की घटना है, मैं दिल्ली में वसंतविहार में आईसीआईसीआई बैंक के शाखा में किसी काम से गया. अब अकसर ऐसा होता है कि कुछ समझदार महापुरुष कलम मांगते मिल जाते हैं. ऐसे हीं एक महानुभाव नें मुझ से कलम उधार मांग लिया. भाई साहेब कलम ले कर भूल गये कि ये किसी और का है, और दर्जन के हिसाब से बैंक के कागज भरने लगे. लगभग बीस मिनट की प्रतिक्षा के बाद मैंने अपनी कलम मांगने की हिम्मत जुटायी. महानुभाव ने तपाक से मुझे सलाह दिया 'अपना कलम क्युं नहीं लेके आते'. फिर मैंने याद दिलाया कि जो कलम उनके हाथ में है वो मेरी हीं है. फिर कहीं कलम वापस मिला.
ऐसे लोग होते हैं 'बगुला भगत', ये लोग आपको भ्रष्टाचार पर घंटो ज्ञान दे सकते हैं, और खास बात ये कि यह भाषण खत्म होने के अगले दो मिनट के अंदर किसी लाल बत्ती तोड़ने के लिये रोके जाने पर ट्राफिक हवलदार के जेब में बीस रुपये डालते दिख जायेंगे.
बिजली बिल जमा करने जायेंगे और लंबी लाईन देखते हीं चपरासी से जुगाड़ भिड़ायेंगे ताकि लाईन में लगना ना पड़े. दूध में पानी मिलायेंगे, बिजली के मीटर को उलटा घुमवायेंगे, अवैध निर्माण करवायेंगे, आवासीय इलाके में व्यापार चलायेंगे, टैक्स चोरी करेंगे, एक करोड़ का फ्लैट खरीदेंगे और चालीस लाख का बतायेंगे, अस्सी साल की अम्मा के नाम से पैसे को सफेद करेंगे, ट्रेन टिकट ना मिलने पर दलाल को ढूंढते पाये जायेंगे, नाकारा बेटे के नौकरी के लिये लाखों देने की बात करते मिलेंगे, फिर किसी लड़की के बाप से उस पैसे को सूध समेत दहेज मांगते मिलेंगे.
ऐसे बगुला भगत 'भ्रष्ट नेता' विषय पर पगुराई करते मिल जायेंगे, इनके घर के सामने का कूड़ा न उठे तो ये प्रधानमंत्री को गाली देंगे, उसके अगले पल किसी सफेद दिवार पर पान थूंकने में बिल्कुल नहीं चूकेंगे.
भारत देश के अंदर ऐसे बगुला भगत बहुतायत में मौजूद हैं, ऐसे हीं लोग आपको आम आदमी पार्टी की तारीफों के पुल बांधते मिलेंगे ये बात अलग है कि यही महापुरुष सरकारी जमीन केजरी टोपी पहन कर हथिआयेंगे.
अब आपसे कभी कोई बगुला भगत टकड़ा जाये और झेलने की सीमा लांघ चुके हों, ऐसे में मजे लेने के लिये दर्पण दिखाइये और फिर आनंद लीजिये. फिर देखिये इनकी तिलमिलाहट.
कुछ साल हो गयें, ऐसे हीं लोग अन्णा टोपी पहन कर ईमानदारी का साटीफिटिक बांट रहे थे, हर नेता चोर, हर पुलिसवाला बेईमान, हर सरकारी अधिकारी बिकाऊ, और ईमानदारी का ठेका लिया था फर्जी बिल भाड़ने वाले एक्टिविस्टों नें. ये वही लोग थे जिनको छपास की बिमारी होती है, अखबार के किसी कोने में इनका नाम छपता रहे, ये लोग अखबार की कटिंग काटते रहेंगे और बकैती करते रहेंगे. अब अन्ना हजारे को देख लीजिये, पूरा गांव शरद पवार का मतदाता है, खुद ट्रक चालक से रिटायर हुये, परन्तु आसमान के नीचे उपस्थित हर बात पर इनके पास रेडीमेड उत्तर है. इनके बहाने गांव में ताश खेलता हुआ रालेगन सिद्धी का हर पुरुष नीति आयोग की अध्यक्षता कर सकता है.
रामचंद्र जी कह गये सिया से, एक दिन ऐसा कलियुग आयेगा ।
ऐसे हीं कोई समाज सेवी दिल्ली जैसे शहरी इलाके में बैठ के किसान संगठन चलाता मिलेगा तो कोई गरीब बच्चों की तस्वीरें दिखा के चंदा बटोरता मिलेगा.
चंदा है तो धंधा है ये।
गंदा है पर धंधा है ये ।।
अब अगर सही में इमानदार सरकार आ जाये फिर तो इनकी खैर नहीं, कहां बीस रुपये में रेड लाईट बपौती और कहां हजार का हरा पत्ता रशीद के साथ कट जाये. तो असलियत यही है कि ऐसे लोग सही में अच्छी सरकार की कामना नहीं करते. इनका अपना दर्शन है 'कार्य हो ना हो, कार्य का फिक्र जरूर हो, फिक्र हो न हो, जिक्र जरूर हो'.
आशा करते हैं कि तमाम बगुला भगतों की फौज भारत में उपस्थित होने के पश्चात भी हम आगे बढ पायेंगे, इसके लिये जरुरी है कि आपको जहां कोई बगुला भगत मिले, उसकी चोंच पर एक दर्पण बांध दें ताकि जब जब वो धाराप्रवाह गाली दे किसी को, अपना थोबड़ा उसे ये याद दिलाता रहे कि वह एक "बगुला भगत" है.
For some time, I was working for a petroleum drilling company which used to have its Rigs in Libya and Gabon. The company started its operations in Libya when Gaddafi was the supreme leader of Libya and many indian companies were working in petroleum and infrastructure sector. Around 2010-11, Nato forces chose to 'liberate' Libya of Gaddafi and rebel forces started to bomb the cities. The country became very volatile and thousands of Indians had to leave Libya.
Many of my co-workers who had worked at Punj Lloyd Rig Site in Libya had a very bad experience of that period. They used to tell the stories of Libyan civil war and how they were abandoned in the desert of Libya.
Normally, one Petroleum Rig has around 40-50 Indian workers who work on a schedule of 35 days on duty and 35 days off duty. When the war broke out, It was the responsibility of Indian Government and the company to evacuate the workers. Around 40 rig workers were stuck in the desert as petroleum drilling sites are always located in far flung areas and dependent on monthly supply of food, diesel and water. 20 of them were evacuated in early phases as the company negotiated few seats in a chartered flight of another indian company which flew from Tripoli. The rest of the people had to wait at the rig site with fingers crossed. The things which were available to them were internet, limited food stock of 30 days, diesel for generators, few tanks full of water, some medical supplies in the medical room.
The wait game started and the war escalated. It was a drive of 7-8 hours in the desert to reach Benghazi Airport but the situation had changed overnight. Rebels were roaming around everywhere and looting and murders were going on with nobody to control it. Those Indians of Rig site stayed in the bunkers for almost 40 days, spent nights without electricity so that light would not attract rebels. the fear of rebel attack could become reality any moment. Company was unable to do anything, Government did not care at all. Indian Government had launched Operation Safe Home coming which could only help if indian nationals were based in Tripoli and the operation stopped in later stages. Several SOS messages were sent but nothing happened.
The constant fear of death had exhausted them and finally they decided to take things in their own hands. They collected all the fund available with them. They gave their watches, gold chains, everything worth something and this is how they convinced a local driver to bring a small truck to the rig site. They abandoned the rig and started a bone chilling journey to reach the border of Egypt. None of them had passports as company used to keep them in the base office of Tripoli. They saw burnt towns, dead bodies. It was a miracle that all of them reached Egypt border safely. The Indian ambassador posted in Egypt, was informed by Egyptian border authorities and from there onwards, food was provided, they did local sight seeing in Cairo and they were given flight tickets to return to India. the fear of death was gone but the memories shall remain forever.
Now compare it to Indian government response in the case of evacuation from Iraq when Government ensured that all the nurses were evacuated safely. The indian minister personally goes to Yemen and Indian Navy evacuates hundreds of indian expatriates stuck in Yemen. All this happens when navy boats are under constant attack from rebel forces in Yemen.
The Indian Government is ensuring that every indian is taken out of the war zone.This contrast in the response of two governments is stark. it tells us how the present government is bringing the confidence back and any indian who is present anywhere in the world, feels he is not alone.This confidence is not a small thing. It is praiseworthy.
